-
Tilbage -
Sharon's Speech: The
Decoded Version
Uri Avnery, The
Electronic Intifada, 22. December 2003
 |
He read out the written text of his speech, word for word, without raising his
eyes from the page.
It was vital for him to stick to the exact wording, since it was an encoded
text. It is impossible to decipher it without breaking the code. And it is
impossible to break the code without knowing Ariel Sharon very well indeed.
So it is no surprise that the flood of interpretations in Israel and abroad was
ridiculous. The commentators just did not understand what they had heard. That's
why they wrote things like "He did not say anything new", "He has
no plan", "He is marking time", "He is old and tired".
And the usual Washington reaction: "A positive step, but..."
Nonsense. In his speech, Sharon outlined a whole, detailed - and extremely
dangerous - plan. Those who did not understand - Israelis, Palestinians and
foreign diplomats - will be unable to react effectively.
Here is the deciphered text of Sharon's "Herzliyah speech":
The name of the game is Hitnatkut ("cutting ourselves off"). Meaning:
most of the West Bank area will become de facto a part of Israeli, and the rest
we shall leave to the Palestinians, who will be enclosed in isolated enclaves.
From these enclaves, the settlements will be removed.
Stage One : In order to do this, we need time - about half a year. We are
talking about a large-scale and complicated military operation. The army will
have to occupy and fortify new lines, while "relocating" dozens of
isolated settlements. This will require detailed planning, which has not yet
even started. The necessary forces and instruments will have to be prepared.
Half a year is the minimum.
During this period we shall not be idle. On the contrary, we shall finish the
"separation fence", and it will play a major part in the new
deployment. We shall develop the "settlement blocs", to which we shall
transfer the settlers who will be relocated.
The execution of the plan in half a year is perfectly timed. At exactly that
time the American election campaign will reach its climax. No American
politician will dare to utter a word against Israel. The Democrats need the
Jewish votes and money. The Republicans also need the votes and the money of the
60 million Christian fundamentalists, who support the most extreme elements in
Israel.
While we quietly prepare the big operation, we shall continue to flatter
President Bush and praise his idiotic Road Map, without, of course, fulfilling
any of our obligations under the Map. But we shall blame the Palestinians for
violating it.
At the same time we shall pretend to seek negotiations with the Palestinians. We
shall try to meet with Abu-Ala as many times as possible and play the game to
the end. When we are ready to go, we shall terminate the contacts, declare the
Road Map dead and state sorrowfully that all our efforts to start peace
negotiations have failed because of Arafat.
Stage two: By then, the "separation wall" will be ready. The
Palestinian territories (Areas A and B under Oslo) will be surrounded on all
sides. In practice there will be about a dozen isolated pockets. In order to
fulfil our promise about Palestinian "contiguity" we shall connect the
enclaves by special roads, bridges and tunnels, which we shall be able to cut at
a moment's notice.
The army will withdraw gradually to the separation barrier and redeploy in the
territories that will be annexed to Israel, including, inter alia , the
settlement blocs of Karney Shomron, Elkana, Ariel and Kedumim; the Modi'in Road
and the territory south of it up to the Green Line, all the Greater Jerusalem
area already annexed in 1967; the new neighborhoods around Jerusalem up to
Maaleh Adumim and perhaps further; the Jewish settlement in Hebron and Kiryat
Arba and the settlements in the Hebron area; all the Dead Sea shore; all the
Jordan valley, including about 15 km of the banks. Altogether, more than half
the West Bank.
These areas will not be annexed officially, but we shall annex them as rapidly
as possible in practice. We shall fill them with settlements (also using the
settlers from the "relocated" settlements), industrial parks, roads,
public institutions and army installations, so that they will become
indistinguishable from parts of Israel proper.
At the same time, we shall evacuate the settlements beyond the barrier,
including those in the Gaza Strip (with or without the Katif bloc.)
In line with the American proposal, we shall call the Palestinian enclaves
"a Palestinian State with Temporary Borders". That will give the
Palestinians the illusion that they will be able to negotiate the
"permanent" borders. But, of course, the "separation fence"
will be the final border.
The terror will not stop completely, but the Palestinian enclaves will be at our
mercy and we shall be able to cut each of them off at any time, prevent movement
from one to another and make life in them intolerable. It will not be worthwhile
for them to conduct violent acts.
Officially, the Palestinians will have free access to the border crossings to
Egypt and Jordan, but in practice we shall maintain an effective military
presence, enabling us to stop movement there at any time.
At first the world will scream, but faced with a fait accompli they will quieten
down. Even if Bush remains in the White House, he will be paralysed until after
the elections at the end of 2004. If a Democrat is elected president, he will
need some months to settle down. By then everything will be finished, and we
shall be able to generously agree to some minor adjustments.
This is the Plan. Can it be realized?
It is quite possible that Sharon will convince Israeli public opinion. The great
majority of the public is united around two points: (a) the longing for peace
and security, and (b) the distrust of Arabs and the unwillingness to deal with
them. (Some weeks ago, a satirical supplement published a slogan: "YES to
peace, NO to Palestinians".)
Sharon's plan promises both. It promises peace and security, and it is entirely
"unilateral". No negotiations with Palestinians are required, it does
not depend on the will of the Arabs, who can be ignored entirely.
In this respect, Sharon's plan has a great advantage over the Geneva Initiative,
which is entirely based on the assumption that "there is a partner"
and that we must negotiate with the Palestinians and make peace with them. Long
years of brainwashing, led by Ehud Barak and most of the other leaders of the
"Zionist Left", have convinced the Israeli public that there is no
partner, that the Arabs are cheating, that Arafat has broken every single
agreement he has signed, etc. The Sharon plan conforms to all these myths, while
the Geneva Initiative clashes with them.
But beneath the road to the implementation of the Sharon Plan there lie two big
landmines: the settlers and the Palestinians.
The inhabitants of the settlements that are supposed to be "relocated"
include some of the most extreme elements of the settlement movement. There is
no chance that these will go away peacefully. They will have to be removed by
force.
That will require a huge military effort. While many moderate settlers will
remove themselves voluntarily if given fat compensation, many others will
resist. According to an informed estimate, some 5,000 soldiers and policemen
will be needed to remove just one small "outpost": Migron, near
Ramallah, which Sharon was supposed to have removed long ago according to the
Road Map. When dozens of bigger and more established settlements have to be
removed, it will need a giant, quasi war-like operation, requiring a general
call up of reserves, with all the political implications.
The army cannot just leave these territories with the settlements remaining
behind. As long as the settlements are there, the army will be there. In other
words, the implementation of the plan will not be quick and tidy, like the last
night in south Lebanon, but a process of many months, perhaps years.
While the deployment in the areas that will be de facto annexed to Israel will
be quick and effective, the transfer of the territories that will be turned over
to the Palestinians will be very slow.
It is a complete illusion to believe that all this time the Palestinians will
quietly look on. They will see the execution of a plan that they believe, quite
rightly, to be a device for the destruction of the national aims of the
Palestinian people. Clearly there will be no place in the Palestinian enclaves
for returning refugees (not to mention any return of refugees to Israel itself).
To call this structure a "Palestinian State" is a joke in bad taste.
If Sharon succeeds in executing his plan, a new chapter in the 100-year old
Israeli-Palestinian conflict will be opened. The Palestinians will be crowded
into territories that will constitute about 10% of the original territory of
Palestine before 1948. They will have no chance of enlarging this territory. On
the contrary: they will be afraid of Sharon and his successors trying to remove
them from what is left, completing the ethnic cleansing of Eretz Israel.
Therefore, the Palestinians will fight against this plan, and their struggle
will intensify the more it progresses. All possible means will be employed:
firing missiles and mortar shells over the separation barrier, sending suicide
bombers into Israel, and so on. Probably, the violent fight will spill over into
many other countries around the world, both on the ground and in the air. There
will be no peace, no security.
In the end, the basic factors will be decisive: the endurance of the two
peoples, their readiness to continue the bloody fight, with all its economic and
social implications, as well as the willingness of the world to look on
passively.
The idea of "unilateral peace" is strikingly original. "Peace
without the other side" is a contradiction in terms. Learned people will
call it an oxymoron, a Greek term meaning, literally, a sharp folly.
Eventually, the fate of this plan will be the same as the fate of all the other
grandiose plans put forward by Sharon it in his long career. One need only think
of the Lebanon war and its price.
Uri Avnery is an Israeli
journalist, writer, and peace activist who was one of the founders of Gush
Shalom.